Jesus Cast Down the Mighty from Their Thrones. So Should We

Nonviolent protests are one way God’s people help reclaim a gospel that is good news for the power and powerless.

By Adam Russell Taylor

In the past week, the Trump administration brokered a deal that secured the release of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners. While the terms of the long overdue ceasefire are being contested, this is a groundbreaking accomplishment for which I’m deeply thankful. But this short-term peacemaking victory abroad was quickly undermined by the administration’s bellicose rhetoric and actions at home.

President Donald Trump has repeatedly abused his ability to declare emergencies and seize power under the pretense of maintaining law and order. For example, he declared immigration emergencies to further militarize the U.S.-Mexico border and label drug cartels terrorists; he declared a “trade emergency” to justify and impose costly tariffs; and he declared an energy emergency to greenlight new drilling projects and ignore regulations. Most alarmingly, he has falsely declared a “crime” emergency to federalize and deploy National Guard troops to additional cities.

The No Kings protests taking place this weekend, which Sojourners is cosponsoring, are the most visible markers of resistance to the Trump administration’s increasing suppression of freedom and consolidation of power, a style of leadership known as authoritarianism. While the term “authoritarianism” can feel abstract and alarmist, polls show that Americans are increasingly worried about authoritarianism’s impacts, including political division and erosions of fundamental freedoms. Fortunately, as Trump threatens to continue sending National Guard troops to U.S. cities under the pretense of fighting crime, most Americans reject this idea.

No Kings makes the “increasing authoritarian excesses and corruption of the Trump administration,” even more plain. As materials for the Oct. 18 day of action explain:

“They are targeting immigrant families, profiling, arresting and detaining people without warrants; threatening to overtake elections; gutting health care, environmental protections, and education when families need them most; rigging maps to silence voters; ignoring mass shootings at our schools and in our communities; and driving up the cost of living while handing out massive giveaways to billionaire allies, as families struggle.”

This list echoes what Protect Democracy calls the authoritarian playbook, a list of the tactics that authoritarian leaders employ in order to consolidate power. Reviewing these tactics now, Trump has already employed each of them to varying degrees, including his attempt to politicize independent institutions, spread disinformation, aggrandize executive power at the expense of checks and balances, quash criticism and dissent, scapegoat vulnerable or marginalized communities, work to corrupt elections, and stoke violence.

In this first year of Trump’s second term, we have witnessed him act more like a king than a democratically elected president who cares about and governs for all Americans. Kings demand and reward loyalty while seeking to punish their enemies; Trump has increasingly weaponized the Justice Department to punish his enemies, including the recent indictment of New York Attorney General Letitia James for alleged mortgage fraud. Kings so often instill fear and trade in hate; Trump declared during Charlie Kirk’s memorial service that he hates his opponents and does not want the best for them. Kings rule by coercion and not by persuasion; Trump told our nation’s military leaders that they must focus on the “enemy within.” Kings govern by decree instead of persuasion or building consensus; as the costly government shutdown enters its third week, Trump has reportedly told Republicans to refuse to negotiate with Democrats to end the shutdown.

If you haven’t personally felt the impact of these actions, consider listening to members of some of the groups the administration has most targeted, including immigrants, LGBTQ+ folks, and members of Black and brown communities.

These tactics are obviously destructive to our democracy. As Christians, we need to be clear that authoritarianism also perverts our faith, especially as many leaders have misused and weaponized Christian faith to justify their pursuit of concentrated power and wealth. Trump consolidated support among many white Christians by stoking their sense of victimhood and grievance, arguing that only he could protect them and promising to be their “retribution.” The rise of Christian nationalism, which so often wraps the cross in the American flag, has become an ideology supercharging the Make America Great Again movement.

In biblical language, this is the sin of idolatry—pursuing worldly things before our devotion to God. Warnings against this echo throughout the Bible, from the Ten Commandments given to Moses and the frequent warnings of the prophets, to Paul’s letters to early Christian communities. In Matthew 6:24, Jesus declares that “You cannot serve God and wealth,” and in the Great Commandment a few chapters later, instructs us to “love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind” (22:37). Jesus, our ultimate example of what it means to love, understood the dangers of concentrated power. His birth was heralded by Mary as an event that “brought down the powerful from their thrones” and instead “lifted up the lowly” (Luke 1:52). In his ministry, Jesus proclaimed a gospel that was good news for those who lacked power—the poor, the sick, the imprisoned (Luke 4:18). And when the religious and political leaders of the day saw his message as a threat, Jesus ultimately gave his very life to subvert the brutality of the cross into the promise of salvation and liberation.

Idolatry, by contrast, hollows out the Christian faith in service of power. It tempts folks to seek wealth and the ability to control others instead of the last-shall-be-first gospel Jesus preached; it so often places the pursuit of profit over people and the pursuit of coercion over the common good and an extra concern for “the least of these.”

If you’re curious what “service to power” looks like, let’s zero in on Trump’s threats to invoke the Insurrection Act, which represent a clear red line into more dangerous authoritarianism. So far, Trump has used a different legal justification to deploy National Guard troops to U.S. cities led largely by Black Democratic mayors; however, given recent court rulings blocking additional deployments to Portland, Ore., and Chicago, it is becoming more likely that he will invoke the Insurrection Act to circumvent these rulings and further consolidate and abuse power.

Though rarely used, the Insurrection Act gives the president the power to deploy U.S. military forces domestically in specific circumstances of rebellion, insurrection, or civil unrest. In the past 150 years, it has mainly been invoked to suppress racist violence in the South during the Reconstruction era and the Civil Rights Movement. President George H.W. Bush invoked it in 1992 at the request of California’s governor to help quell violence during the Rodney King riots in Los Angeles. But the act has a gaping weakness: A Supreme Court ruling in 1827 affirmed the president’s exclusive authority to decide when an insurrection exists, opening up the potential for considerable abuse of power.

After ruling against Trump’s deployment of the National Guard to Portland, Judge Karin Immergut—who was nominated by Trump in his first term—wrote that the administration has “made a range of arguments that, if accepted, risk blurring the line between civil and military federal power—to the detriment of this nation.” In response, White House adviser Stephen Miller posted on X: “The issue before is [sic] now is very simple and clear. There is a large and growing movement of leftwing terrorism in this country. It is well organized and funded. And it is shielded by far-left Democrat judges, prosecutors and attorneys general. The only remedy is to use legitimate state power to dismantle terrorism and terror networks.”

Referring to nonviolent protesters exercising their First Amendment rights as terrorists and insurrectionists is both dangerous and ludicrous. The administration is also using the spurious argument that National Guard troops are needed to guard federal buildings and protect Immigration and Customs Enforcement officers, many of whom are inflaming tensions with their aggressive and sometimes lawless actions. In reality, ICE is increasingly being used as a paramilitary force, particularly with incidents of masked officers abducting, detaining, and in many cases, deporting suspected undocumented immigrants. This is despite federal data showing more than 70% of detainees as of last month had no criminal convictions. And if Trump invokes the Insurrection Act, this surge of ICE officers and crackdown on protest will likely be a preview of what’s to come elsewhere.

Jesus warns: “What good is it for someone to gain the whole world, yet forfeit their soul?” (Mark 8:36). Obeying in advance and capitulating to democratic backsliding are all roads that succumb to the very real temptation to compromise the gospel for short-term gain. And while protest alone is insufficient, it can help us break out of feelings of despair, powerlessness, or fatalism. That’s why this Saturday’s No Kings peaceful protests—alongside protecting those being targeted, defending our civic institutions, engaging in noncooperation—are important; all are ways to cast a hopeful vision for the Beloved Community and a new America in which liberty and justice become real for all. As Christians and as the church, we are one body with many parts, with different gifts and roles to play.

We can’t simply wait this out or refuse to see what is becoming increasingly clear: The Trump administration is using authoritarian tactics, and invoking the Insurrection Act would be a dangerous next red line down this path. Christian conscience calls us to oppose it with even greater courage and sacrifice.

 

Source: Jesus Cast Down the Mighty from Their Thrones. So Should We | Sojourners

White House pushes back on Pope Leo’s statement that immigrants are subject to ‘inhuman treatment’ in the US

It’s not the first time the bishop of Rome has criticized the Trump administration’s immigration policies.

By Irie Sentner

The Trump administration has again found itself tussling with a pope.

Press secretary Karoline Leavitt on Wednesday pushed back on Pope Leo XIV’s suggestion Tuesday that people who support the “inhuman treatment of immigrants in the United States” may not be “pro life.”

“Someone who says I’m against abortion but is in favor of the death penalty is not really pro-life,” added the American-born pope. The pontiff’s comments came in response to reporters’ questions about the Chicago Archdiocese’s plan to give a lifetime achievement award to Sen. Dick Durbin, a Democrat who supports abortion rights and represents Leo’s home state of Illinois.

Leavitt said she “would reject there was inhumane treatment of illegal immigrants in the United States under this administration,” then criticized former President Joe Biden’s immigration policies and highlighted some of the violent crimes committed by undocumented immigrants.

“This administration is trying to enforce our nation’s laws in the most humane way possible, and we are upholding the law,” she said during Wednesday’s press briefing. “We are doing that on behalf of the people of our country who live here.”

The press secretary — who is devoutly Catholic and regularly prays with her staff before her press briefings — did not mention the pope.

It’s not the first time the White House — which has displayed its religious, and specifically Christian and Catholic, fervor via policy — has disagreed with the Vatican. Earlier this year, Vice President JD Vance, another staunch Catholic, sparred with the late Pope Francis over the administration’s hardline immigration policies.

A spokesperson for Vance declined to comment on Leo’s remarks.

President Donald Trump in his second term has sought to deliver on the massive border crackdown he promised on the campaign trail, dispatching federal immigration agents to conduct massive and highly publicized raids across the country. The White House posted an ASMR video of detainees in chains, and on Valentine’s Day posted the message: “Roses are red, violets are blue, come here illegally, and we’ll deport you.”

During the briefing, Vance pushed back on Democrats’ demand to renew expiring health insurance subsidies in order to fund the government, claiming that immigrants are responsible for longer wait times in emergency rooms.

“Very often someone in the emergency room waiting is an illegal alien, very often it’s a person who can’t speak English,” he said. “Why do those people get health care benefits at hospitals paid for by American citizens?”

Source: White House pushes back on Pope Leo’s statement that immigrants are subject to ‘inhuman treatment’ in the US – POLITICO

This is fascism

[Propaganda images by Trump supporter Jon McNaughton]

Fascism starts with talk, not tanks. With democratic elections, not a coup. And it takes hold thanks to people who think things won’t move quickly—until they do just that.

By Rosan Smits

Fascism starts with talk, not tanks. With democratic elections, not a coup. And it takes hold thanks to people who think things won’t move quickly—until they do just that.

On February 18, 2025, a video appeared on X. An officer from Enforcement and Removal Operations can be  The sky over the Seattle airport is overcast. Jet engines can be heard idling in the background.

Then: the clinking of chains. We see a blue plastic crate, filled with metal restraints. Someone lays them out on the tarmac—one set of cuffs per person. People are cuffed tightly, hands and feet. The camera shows no faces, only bodies and steel. The video ends with a shackled prisoner climbing the boarding stairs with difficulty, his restraints hitting against the metal steps.

The title of the post: “ASMR: Illegal Alien Deportation Flight 🔊”. The abbreviation is a jarring reference to the type of YouTube video that soothes and  Distant whispers, the rhythmic patter of raindrops, the rustling of leaves in the wind. And in this case, the sound of heavily chained men being deported.

Fascism is back. This time no swastikas, Nazi flags, or deadly bureaucracy, but MAGA hats, right-wing extremist memes, and a triumphant fist held high. No ghettos or concentration camps, but data-driven manhunts and “detention facilities” in El Salvador and Guantanamo Bay. No SS officers or brownshirts, but  and a Capitol mob.

It’s perfectly clear: the US president, Donald Trump, is putting together a fascist regime. And fast. Not only Trump’s   But what’s more, internationally renowned scholars—the indisputable experts when it comes to fascism—are now 

Their warnings still meet with resistance. For many, the label “fascism” is inextricably tied to the Holocaust and should be left in the past out of respect for the six million murdered Jews. Others see the term as exaggerated and alarmist: every fascist so far pales in comparison to Adolf Hitler. Accusing Trump of fascism, they feel, is like yelling “FIRE!” just because someone, somewhere has lit a small flame—a distraction from the very real challenges facing the United States.

And yet it’s precisely that resistance to using the word fascism that’s typical of how fascism works. Fascism thrives by playing down what was previously seen as extremist. And once that happens, any warnings get dismissed as overly alarmist.

Trump takes it to the next level: anyone who accuses him of being fascist  It’s a tried and true tactic to sap language of meaning: If everyone calls their adversaries “fascist,” the word loses its power to warn people about actual fascism.

Instead of continuing to debate whether or not Trump can be called a fascist, it’s better to understand why experts are alerting us. To do that, it’s essential we understand how fascism works, so we can recognize today’s variants, in the US and beyond.

The function of fascism

Fascism conjures up images of the death and destruction of the Third Reich, Benito Mussolini’s Blackshirts, Francisco Franco’s generals, or perhaps the white hoods of the Ku Klux Klan. When you think of fascism, you think of its most visible and extreme outgrowths. But while everyone has some idea of what fascism means, there’s no clear definition.

In order to recognize fascism as a wider phenomenon, we shouldn’t look to those visible extremes, says Professor Emeritus Robert Paxton, author of the seminal work The Anatomy of Fascism (2005). According to Paxton, we should look at what function fascism serves for politicians 

That function is strategic. Fascism is a way to take political grievance, shared by members of a dominant group in society, and mobilize it against some supposed “enemy,” often aided by a degree of societal breakdown during a time of crisis. It’s similar in that sense to sometimes called 

But where populist leaders stretch the ground rules of democracy, fascists take things further. They change the rules, seize absolute power, and destroy those seen as foes, using violence if need be.

Fueling this strategy is emotion, not some coherent set of ideological convictions. Ultranationalism and an unshakable belief in the “survival of the fittest” are always part of fascism, but aside from that, there’s no unifying story.

“A fascist just has to be a storyteller,”  The fascist’s words matter, in the sense that they must provoke rage. But what he says, and whether it’s true, matters a great deal less. The fascist simply has to “find a pulse and hold it.”

Continue reading “This is fascism”

Trump tariffs sour future for some in wine industry

Wine industry

More than a third of the wine consumed in the U.S. is imported, mostly from Europe

By Ariel Wesler

LOS ANGELES — At Brentwood Fine Wines, sommelier Ferdinando “Ferdi” Mucerino stocks wines and spirits from all over the world. He says about 60% of his products are imports. Wines from France are currently among his bestsellers, not surprising since Italian and French wines are the most popular in the U.S.


What You Need To Know

    • All foreign wines now have minimum tariffs of 10% as part of President Donald Trump’s plan to rebalance global trade
    • Ferdinando “Ferdi” Mucerino at Brentwood Fine Wines worries prices will go up and never come down again, even if the tariffs are lifted at some point
    • Laura Gabriel, a small winemaker from Sonoma, California predicted that people will “probably drink even less, maybe go out less and just spend their money elsewhere”
  • Many wine distributors depend on imported wines, and Gabriel said that if they have to pay more, they might buy less or raise prices on American wines to make up for lost profits

But all foreign wines now have minimum tariffs of 10%. It’s part of President Donald Trump’s plan to rebalance global trade.

“What he’s trying to do, in my opinion, is equal that playing field by really charging the same tariffs that we’re charged when our wine goes into those other countries,” said Craig Ledbetter, a wine grape grower from Lodi, California.

While winemakers and sellers are grateful it wasn’t the 200% tariff the president had previously threatened, that’s not off the table just yet, especially if Europe retaliates.

A 200% tariff would essentially triple the cost of European wines in the U.S., and that has some local wine shops concerned not only about their reputation, but how it would affect their customers.

Mucerino worries the industry could see a repeat of what happened during Trump’s first term.

“Prices are going to go up,” he said. “Then, once the tariffs are lifted or changed, prices are going to stay pretty much the same, so it’s a lose-lose for the for the consumer.”

“People are already drinking less, and so I think it’s just going to make people probably drink even less, maybe go out less and just spend their money elsewhere,” said Laura Gabriel, a small winemaker from Sonoma, California.

She started the company Paper Planes with her husband about 10 years ago. She said that even though the tariffs are designed to encourage people to buy American, there isn’t always a suitable substitute.

“You can’t make Champagne in the United States,” Gabriel said. “You can’t make Burgundy or Bordeaux in the United States.”

Many wine distributors depend on imported wines, and Gabriel said that if they have to pay more, they might buy less or raise prices on American wines to make up for lost profits.

“It’s going to affect wine shops,” she said. “It’s going to affect distributors.It’s going to affect a lot of small businesses, but I just don’t think that they can take it financially right now.”

It’s a complex puzzle that is leaving the minds of many in the wine industry swirling.

Source: Trump tariffs sour future for some in wine industry