Embattled Bordeaux winemakers see Trump’s tariffs as latest blow

The sun is shining, the grapes are ripe and a good harvest is expected but a heavy cloud is looming over Laurent Dubois’s vineyard in southwestern France.

“It’s not up to me to pay the Trump tax!” he fumes, faced with the 15 percent in customs duties that is to hit his products in US President Donald Trump’s trade war.

Trump’s long-threatened tariffs are just the latest blow to be sustained by Bordeaux winemakers, who are operating in an increasingly tough market as consumer tastes change.

The duties imposed could have been worse and on their own will not destroy the industry, winemakers emphasise, but they say they are an extra burden they could so without.

Dubois, 57, a major figure in the Bordeaux region famous for its fruity reds, exports 70 percent of his production to 25 countries, including 10 percent to the United States.

The ninth generation to lead the Chateau Les Bertrands in Reignac, north of Bordeaux, Dubois is already seeing the effects of the 15 percent levy, which is being imposed after the EU failed to secure an exemption for wines and spirits.

‘Narrow margins’

“For our last shipment, a client in Texas asked us to give him a price,” Dubois told AFP. “But I’m French, I didn’t vote for Trump. So it’s not up to me to pay, knowing that our margins are very narrow.”

The United States is by far the largest export market for Bordeaux wines, with sales of over 400 million euros ($469 million) or 20 percent of the total.

China comes next on 300 million euros and the UK on 200 million euros, according to the Bordeaux Negoce union.

Customs duties, combined with the weakness of the dollar against the euro, constitute “a double whammy” for the price of bottles on the American market, said Dubois.

He said he expects a “small drop” in his exports to the United States but remains phlegmatic: “It could have been worse because a few months ago, Trump announced taxes of 50 percent or even 200 percent.”

His opinion is echoed by Laurent Rousseau, a winegrower in Abzac, near Saint-Emilion in the Bordeaux region, for whom the US market represents 43 percent of sales.

“There will be a price adjustment but there is no expected market shutdown. After that, I don’t know what will happen in December” during the annual renegotiation of the contract with his importer, he said.

‘It’s scary’

Export difficulties have led to overproduction and a collapse in wholesale prices in recent years.

A subsidised uprooting plan has reduced the cultivated area to 90,000 hectares (222,000 acres), compared to 103,000 two years ago.

US customs duties add to these difficulties, against a backdrop of a chronic decline in wine consumption as lifestyles change in France and elsewhere.

“It’s bad news, yet again,” said Dubois. “We had to reduce our area by about 10 percent (to 130 hectares), we did the uprooting.

“And then we see a number of companies, winegrowers who are shutting down or are in receivership. It’s scary. We say to ourselves: ‘The next one will be me’.”

Further north, the vineyards of Cognac are also being hit by the customs duties, as the United States is the largest market for the famous spirit.

China — the second-largest destination for a sector that is 98 percent export-dependent — has previously imposed taxes or price increases.

Bertrand de Witasse, a winemaker who supplies the Remy Martin distillery, saw his orders drop by 25 percent during a renegotiation in May.

“We’re all affected,” he admitted. “But as they say in Cognac, ‘You’re a billionaire for one year and a poor man for 10’.

“So, the years you’re a billionaire, you have to save and avoid wasting money.”

French winemakers are far from being the only Europeans affected.

On Thursday, the Italian Wine and Spirits Federation (Federvini) expressed “its deep concern” at the lack of an exemption for “wines, spirits, and vinegars”.

“We are seeing a missed opportunity,” said Federvini president Giacomo Ponti, emphasising that “the agreement could have fully recognised the strategic importance” of our sectors “in transatlantic relations.”

Source: Embattled Bordeaux winemakers see Trump’s tariffs as latest blow

This is fascism

[Propaganda images by Trump supporter Jon McNaughton]

Fascism starts with talk, not tanks. With democratic elections, not a coup. And it takes hold thanks to people who think things won’t move quickly—until they do just that.

By Rosan Smits

Fascism starts with talk, not tanks. With democratic elections, not a coup. And it takes hold thanks to people who think things won’t move quickly—until they do just that.

On February 18, 2025, a video appeared on X. An officer from Enforcement and Removal Operations can be  The sky over the Seattle airport is overcast. Jet engines can be heard idling in the background.

Then: the clinking of chains. We see a blue plastic crate, filled with metal restraints. Someone lays them out on the tarmac—one set of cuffs per person. People are cuffed tightly, hands and feet. The camera shows no faces, only bodies and steel. The video ends with a shackled prisoner climbing the boarding stairs with difficulty, his restraints hitting against the metal steps.

The title of the post: “ASMR: Illegal Alien Deportation Flight 🔊”. The abbreviation is a jarring reference to the type of YouTube video that soothes and  Distant whispers, the rhythmic patter of raindrops, the rustling of leaves in the wind. And in this case, the sound of heavily chained men being deported.

Fascism is back. This time no swastikas, Nazi flags, or deadly bureaucracy, but MAGA hats, right-wing extremist memes, and a triumphant fist held high. No ghettos or concentration camps, but data-driven manhunts and “detention facilities” in El Salvador and Guantanamo Bay. No SS officers or brownshirts, but  and a Capitol mob.

It’s perfectly clear: the US president, Donald Trump, is putting together a fascist regime. And fast. Not only Trump’s   But what’s more, internationally renowned scholars—the indisputable experts when it comes to fascism—are now 

Their warnings still meet with resistance. For many, the label “fascism” is inextricably tied to the Holocaust and should be left in the past out of respect for the six million murdered Jews. Others see the term as exaggerated and alarmist: every fascist so far pales in comparison to Adolf Hitler. Accusing Trump of fascism, they feel, is like yelling “FIRE!” just because someone, somewhere has lit a small flame—a distraction from the very real challenges facing the United States.

And yet it’s precisely that resistance to using the word fascism that’s typical of how fascism works. Fascism thrives by playing down what was previously seen as extremist. And once that happens, any warnings get dismissed as overly alarmist.

Trump takes it to the next level: anyone who accuses him of being fascist  It’s a tried and true tactic to sap language of meaning: If everyone calls their adversaries “fascist,” the word loses its power to warn people about actual fascism.

Instead of continuing to debate whether or not Trump can be called a fascist, it’s better to understand why experts are alerting us. To do that, it’s essential we understand how fascism works, so we can recognize today’s variants, in the US and beyond.

The function of fascism

Fascism conjures up images of the death and destruction of the Third Reich, Benito Mussolini’s Blackshirts, Francisco Franco’s generals, or perhaps the white hoods of the Ku Klux Klan. When you think of fascism, you think of its most visible and extreme outgrowths. But while everyone has some idea of what fascism means, there’s no clear definition.

In order to recognize fascism as a wider phenomenon, we shouldn’t look to those visible extremes, says Professor Emeritus Robert Paxton, author of the seminal work The Anatomy of Fascism (2005). According to Paxton, we should look at what function fascism serves for politicians 

That function is strategic. Fascism is a way to take political grievance, shared by members of a dominant group in society, and mobilize it against some supposed “enemy,” often aided by a degree of societal breakdown during a time of crisis. It’s similar in that sense to sometimes called 

But where populist leaders stretch the ground rules of democracy, fascists take things further. They change the rules, seize absolute power, and destroy those seen as foes, using violence if need be.

Fueling this strategy is emotion, not some coherent set of ideological convictions. Ultranationalism and an unshakable belief in the “survival of the fittest” are always part of fascism, but aside from that, there’s no unifying story.

“A fascist just has to be a storyteller,”  The fascist’s words matter, in the sense that they must provoke rage. But what he says, and whether it’s true, matters a great deal less. The fascist simply has to “find a pulse and hold it.”

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Aaron Rodgers’s Selfish Gnosticism about Covid-19

Aaron Rodgers has provided a powerful reminder that religious problems like clericalism and gnosticism are not confined to the religious world.

By Zac Davis

“Gnosticism reduced to bare narcissism,” the theologian David Bentley Hart says, “might be an apt definition of late modernity as a whole.” It certainly explains the case of Aaron Rodgers.

Rodgers, the quarterback for the Green Bay Packers and the reigning MVP of the National Football League, tested positive for Covid-19 and will not be allowed to play in a highly anticipated game this Sunday against the Kansas City Chiefs. Athletes getting placed on the Covid list is sadly a new pandemic reality, and this would only be a story for the sports pages were it not for one glaring wrinkle: Aaron Rodgers lied about his vaccination status and then ignored Covid safety protocols for unvaccinated players.

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Where Were They Radicalized? No Answer is Complete Without Addressing Evangelical Churches and Schooling

BY CHRISSY STROOP

As the United States prepares for the end of a nightmarish one-term presidency that seemed to drag on forever, Americans continue to unpack the January 6 insurrection that now even soon-to-be Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell admits was “provoked” by President Donald Trump. On January 16, NBC political analyst Mehdi Hasan tweeted, “#whereweretheyradicalized is a question we’re going to be asking of GOP lawmakers at federal and state/local levels for many, many years to come, sadly,” adding that the answer would lie primarily in “a combo of Fox/OANN/Newsmax and Facebook.”

As I like to say, however, the Christian Right has been doing “alternative facts” since before it was cool. It would be remiss of us to approach the “where were they radicalized” question without addressing how the Christian schooling and homeschooling movement, along with many white churches and other evangelical, LDS, and ‘trad’ Catholic institutions, fostered the subcultures that created the demand for hyper-partisan “news” outlets like Fox News.

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